From Enoch to John the Essene:
An Analysis of Sects Development in 1
Enoch, Jubilees and the Essenes
Eyal Regev
Introduction
Just as our knowledge of the literature composed or copied by the
so-called “Qumran movement” increases, our curiosity concerning the origin and
history of these people grows. How did it all begin? What is the historical and
social relationship between the different documents? How are they related, if
any, to the Essenes of Philo and Josephus? In the early days of the Qumran
research sweeping theories were raised. Now, when all the evidence is at hand
and the texts have been carefully studied from a literary perspective, it may
be possible to reexamine the question of its origin and development.
Sociologists have observed that throughout
time sects develop and transform their character. Some become established
movements (“denominations”), while others create new sects, and in certain
cases sects split into different sub-groups.[1]
One may wonder whether it is possible to reconstruct this procedure in reverse,
deducing the origin of the sect from its subsequent development. The obsession
with understanding the origins of a historical phenomenon was criticized by
Marc Bloch, who called it “The Idol of Origins”. Bloch argued that a historian should
study the available evidence, and not search after its mysterious pre-history,
or elusive explanations, since “a historical phenomenon can never be understood
apart from its moment in time”.[2] However, in our case, the “problem of origin” is only another
title for finding the relationship between already available texts. In our
quest for creating order in the dense and at times chaotic world of the Dead
Sea scrolls and related texts, suggesting a chronological and sociological
relationship between some major compositions may be helpful.
In searching for links between different
documents and trying to reconstruct the early pre-history and subsequent
development of the Qumran movement, a direct historical approach is ill
advised. “External” arguments concerning historical influence or literary
dependence of one source upon another may be hypothetical and based on
inaccurate pre-suppositions. Only a thorough analysis of each text, not only
from a literary standpoint, but especially from an analysis of its ideological
agenda and social framework, would it be possible to draw the links between
different documents.
In this paper I will summarize the results of
such an investigation, which is part of a much larger research project on
sectarianism in Qumran in cross cultural perspective, in which I characterize
each of the documents and groups in light of the sociological theory of
sectarianism. Here I will focus on the initial conclusions regarding the
ideological and social relationship between Enoch, Jubilees the major Qumranic
compositions (the Temple Scroll, MMT, the Community Rule and the Damascus
Document) and the Essenes.
My main aim is to compare the ideological
components of 1 Enoch Jubilees and the Essenes to those that are found in the
Qumranic compositions. I will also evaluate whether or not their ideology
corresponds with the definition of sectarianism. The conception of sectarianism
I have in mind, following the study of Stark and Bainbridge, is of tension with
the world, including, antagonism, separation,
and difference.[3]
The historical reconstruction that I will
present should be regarded as tentative, and is mostly aimed at stimulating
discussion regarding the ideological character of each text. I do not regard
the historical or chronological sequence as my main aim, but view it as merely
a classificatory tool in order to organize the results of the initial inquiry
of degrees and types of sectarianism.
Survey of Previous Research
Since the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, many attempts have been
made to reconstruct the historical development of the so-called “the Qumran
movement”. Most of the discussions were based on hints from the Damascus
Document and the Pesharim. At least two major hypotheses (the Babylonian
origin and the Zadokite/sadduceen split) weaved complex theories from too
scanty evidence.[4] At the same
time, most scholars identified the Qumranites with the Essenes,[5]
without sufficient attention to the seemingly small differences between them.
This state of research had led to a more skeptical approach to the origins and
historical development of the “Qumran movement”, under the lead of Philip
Davies, and with certain support by John Collins and Florentino
Garcia-Martinez.[6] Readings of
the Qumran history are currently approached from a new deconstructionist
perspectives, by Charllotte Hempel and Maxime Grossman.[7]
A few years ago, however, Gabriel Boccaccini published his ambitious and complex monograph, entitled Beyond the Essene Hypothesis: The Parting of the Ways
between Qumran and Enochic Judaism. Boccaccini adopts
an Überlieferunggeschichte approach, comparing the scrolls with the Essenes on
the one hand, and the Aramaic documents in 1 Enoch (and to lesser degree, also
Jubilees), on the other hand. He concludes that the Qumran movement originated
from the circles of Enoch, and view the Essenes as more or less identical with the
Enochic movement.[8] Boccaccini’s
strength is a detailed comparison of several components of the Enochic and
Qumranic belief system. His weakness, in my view, is in neglecting social
dynamics as well as behavioral aspects, such as laws and rituals.
Although I share Boccaccini’s findings regarding the Encohic origins of
the Qumranic ideas of cosmic dualism, angels, and eschatology, I cannot accept
his identification of the Enochic movement with the Essenes. As will be shown
below, the groups behind the Enochic documents, and particularly the Animal
Apocalypse, the Apocalypse of Weeks, and the Epistle of Enoch are not sectarian
organizations, but reform movements. They are not separated from the rest of
the Jews, but rather aim to lead them. Moreover, the similarities that
Boccaccini finds between 1 Enoch and the Essenes are too general - sacred
books, angels, healing, providence, and immortality of the soul, and
sensitivity to the pitfalls of sexuality and wealth. The lack of any of the
famous Essene taboos and rituals in 1 Enoch, is ignored by Boccaccini.[9]
Boccaccini also compares the Essenes and the evidence from Qumran,
mixing the literary evidence with the archaeological findings from kh. Qumran.
He interpret Philo’s and Josephus’ descriptions of the Essenes in a new
fashion, arguing that the Essenes married women and held private property, and
consequently concludes that the Qumranites (apparently he is referring to the
yahad) were much more separatist than the Essenes.[10]
I find the interpretation of this evidence concerning the Essenes unconvincing,
hence their identification with the Enochic movement seems forced.
Notwithstanding these disagreements,
Boccaccini’s attempt advances the discussion of the problem of Qumran
origins. I find his “failure” as inspiring as his success. I think the main
lesson is, , that it is not sufficient to approach the question of origin and
development from the perspective of shared religious ideas; it is necessary to
study the social stance of each document and group, as well as the practices
and rules that govern it.
1 Enoch: the Beginning of the Pre-Sectarian Worldview
The Aramaic documents found in Qumran and later
preserved in 1 Enoch have common ideological
features: heavenly revelations,
cosmic dualism, God’s coming judgment of the wicked angles and corrupt humans
including its eschatological consequences for the righteous ones.[11]
They pre-suppose a state of evil in the world, and explain it by the acts of
rebellious angels (especially in the Book of Watchers and the Animal
Apocalypse), and, at times, of men that transgress God’s orders,[12] especially in
relation to the calendar.[13] A certain relief
from the heavenly evil lies in the heavenly realm, by angelic interferences on
the part of the righteous.[14] However, the
ultimate mode of deliverance is the esoteric divine wisdom: the knowledge that
there is after all, order in the world, especially in the heavenly world,[15] and that
anticipation for the eschatological age, a day of judgment, for both angels and
human.[16]
Most
of these ideas are later attested to in the Instruction of the Two Spirits, in
the War Rule, the Hodayot, 11QMelchizedek and to a lesser degree in the
Damascus Document.[17] The notion that
the forces of evil are intrinsic to the world is the most basic pre-supposition
of the sectarian worldview. Since the Enochic document were found in the caves
at Qumran, and since many of their basic ideas were adopted and developed in
the Qumranic writings,[18]
it is likely that the Qumranites inherited their perception of cosmic tension
and eschatology from the Enochic circles.
However,
these Enochic circles did not form a sectarian organization. Sectarianism is
not only a perception, but in fact a mode of social behavior. Interestingly,
none of the documents of 1 Enoch (with the possible exception of the
Astronomical Book) instructs certain social observance or religious
restrictions. There is no call for separation or seclusion, and no reference to
any social institution whatsoever. 1 Enoch is mainly occupied with myth (that
is, a theoretical world-view), not with practice.
The
social character of the Enochic movements is implicit in the Animal Apocalypse,
the Apocalypse of Weeks and the Epistle of Enoch (which are later than the
Astronomical Book and Book of Watchers). In the Animal Apocalypse (1 Enoch
85-90), the author’s group is symbolized by the lambs that opened their eyes.
These lambs cried out to the blind sheep, but the sheep did not listen
(90:6-7). A great horn sprouted on one of those sheep (now becoming a ram), and
it looked at them, and their eyes were opened, and it cried out to the (other)
sheep, and the rams (sic!) saw it, and they all ran to it” (90:9b-10). The fact
that later on the sheep and ram clashed with the ravens and other birds (that
is with the Seleucids and other gentiles) led most interpreters to identify the
ram with Judas Maccabeus.[19]
However,
as M. Kister already argued, this does not cohere with the lack of internal
strife within the sheep, and especially with the fact that the ram is a
religious or spiritual leader who opens the eyes of the rest of the sheep.[20]
I would add that the lambs that first opened the eyes before the emergence of
the ram are not introduced as a sect, but as a reform movement that aimed to
awaken the whole Jewish nation. Moreover, the horned ram experienced an angelic
revelation and is definitely a religious leader (although it would be hazardous
to identify him wit the Teacher of Righteousness). It shares one major
ideological trait with the yahad and the Damascus Covenant, in claiming that
the bread (sacrifices) served on the table (altar) of the tower “was polluted
and not pure” (89:72b). It also adheres to strong eschatological tension. The
lambs, however, cannot be portrayed as a sect, but as a reform movement. A
reform movement is, according to Bryan Wilson, a group that “recognizes the
evil but assumes that it may be dealt with according to supernaturally-given
insights about the way in which social organization should be amended”, that
is, changing the world by the force of persuasion instead of deserting it, and
without involving supernatural agencies.[21]
Similar
conclusions should be drawn regarding the group represented in the Apocalypse
of Weeks (1 Enoch 91-93).[22] In the seventh week, “there
will arise a perverse generation, and many will be it deeds … And at its
conclusion, the chosen will be chosen, as witnesses of righteousness from the
eternal plant of righteousness, to whom will be given sevenfold wisdom and
knowledge”[23] (93:8-10).
At this point, the transition into the eschatological age occurs.[24]
“They will uproot the foundations of violence, and the structure of deceit in
it, to execute judgment” (91:11). The social tension of the chosen righteous
with their Jewish and non-Jewish enemies is extremely high. There is concealed
stress between the emerging “eternal plant of righteousness” and the old
regime. The author is not necessarily an advocate of the Maccabees or
traditional conservative Judaism which resists the Hellenistic reform.[25]
Nonetheless, the authors’ group do not regard themselves as separated from the
rest of Israel.[26] The author
also does not regard the “eternal plant of righteousness” as a sect, but again,
as a reform movement that will lead Israel to the end of days. Nonetheless,
this movement is about to bring salvation to all Israel.
Social
tension within the Jewish society is also attested to in the Epistle of Enoch
(92-105)[27]. Enoch
calls upon his sons to love righteousness and walk in it, although “certain men
in a generation” will follow the path of violence (e.g., 94:1-4). The author
speaks against the evil sinners and the rich and foresees their judgment and
destruction (91:5-11; 95:3), ensuring the righteous and wise will be rewarded
at the end of days (e.g., 104:1-2), and that they will eventually defeat the sinners.[28]
There are also references to more specific religious debates about law and
religious authority, about covenant, words of the wise, the commandment of the
most high, the words of truth, writing books, and mysteries.[29]
The
author is interested in convincing others of his truth and is confident that
the wise will acknowledge his truth and that all sons of earth will eventually
“contemplate these words of the epistle”.[30]
The fact that the author appeals directly to the sinners (99:10-16; 101)
indicates, according to Nickelsburg, a certain openness towards the outsiders.[31]
Nickelsburg concludes that the author of the Epistle “speaks for a group of
Jews who make exclusive claims for their interpretation of the Torah and who
perceive as revealed wisdom the belief that the imminent judgment will separate
from those whose interpretation of the Law differs from theirs, as well as from
the violent rich who oppress them. These exclusive claims notwithstanding, this
is not a closed group who simply gather to comfort one another and to hurl
curses at their enemies and opponents. The wise speak where they can be heard,
and they testify to the truth in the hope that their message will be heeded and
met with repentance”.[32]
In other words, this is another example of a reform movement, not a separated
sect.
These
two Enochic apocalypses (and to a certain extent also the Epistle), usually
dated to the beginning of the Maccabean War, testify to a movement that shares
with the latter Qumranites views of cosmic and social tension, as well as the
belief that the eschaton is immediate and that the movement and its special
religious wisdom will lead Israel into the age of salvation. They also share
with the Qumranites certain criticism of the Temple cult (perhaps the fact that
the Second Temple is not mentioned in the Apocalypse of Weeks is not accidental, cf. 1 Enoch 93:9).
Other more general common theological themes (that cannot be discussed here at
length) are moral impurity, revelation, and an activist struggle with the evil
forces, both human and angelic, later developed in the War Rule. However,
unlike the Qumran sects, the movement(s) behind these apocalypses did not call
for withdrawal from the rest of the Jews, but was aimed at political activity
and to lead Israel in the imminent and final struggle. All this shows, I think,
that the Aramaic documents in 1 Enoch paved the way for some of the major
ideological traits of the Qumran sects.
Like 1 Enoch,
Jubilees share the classification into just and evil angels, as well as the
anticipation of the Day of Judgment.[33]
Jubilees is familiar with the Book of Watchers,[34]
the Astronomical Book[35].
It is even possible that Jubilees is familiar with Enoch’s apocalypses or
Epistle, since Jub. 4:18-19 refers to Enoch’s documentation of history un
visions of the future until the day of Judgment.[36]
In Jubilees, however, the cosmic dualism is augmented by a social dualism of
Israel vs. the gentiles. The gentiles are ruled by angels who misguide them,
and particularly by the angel Mastema.[37]
[[Jubilees pays special attention to the iniquities of the gentiles and to the
problem of the Israelites’ relationship with them. According to Jubilees, the
gentiles are impure and so are their idols.]][38] Jubilees calls for a complete
separation from the gentiles. All Jewish-Gentile interaction is to be shunned,
especially intermarriage, since contact with them would defile the holy essence
of Israel.[39] Violation
of the law of circumcision and the interdiction to marry a gentile lead to a
removal from the covenant with God.[40]
Jubilees’
call for complete severance of the relationship between Israel and the gentiles
is also evident in its resistance to the foreign practice of nudity[41]
as well as the neglect of the Jewish ethnic mark of circumcision.[42]
These two points are significant since they provide a specific chronological
framework for Jubilees, a framework that is generally lacking in 1 Enoch and
most of the Qumranic writings. The breaking of the taboos of nudity is implied
in 2 Maccabees, during the Hellenistic reform in Jerusalem, in the athletic
performance at the gymnasium.[43] The failure to circumcise is attested
to in 1 Maccabees, The only known cases when Jews failed to circumcise
themselves during the Second Temple period are during the Hellenistic reform of
175 BCE and the decrees of Antiochus IV (167-164 BCE). I Mac 1:15 argues that
the Jewish Hellenistic reformers who built the gymnasium “underwent operations
to disguise their circumcision”.[44]
A few years later, Antiochus IV decreed that circumcision is prohibited and
would be punished by death. When Mattathias and his followers ran away to the
mountains and established their resistance, they forcefully circumcised the
boys they have found, hence some of the Jews had observe the Antiochus decree.[45]
It is most probable that Jubilees’ protest is a reaction to some of these
events.
Dating
Jubilees to the Maccabean revolt also coheres with the abomination of the
Gentiles. It should be noted that Jubilees’ treatment of the relationship with
the gentiles, nudity and circumcision reflects a debate within the Jewish
society on the sovereignty of Jewish culture. Jubilees was therefore written
when Jewish religious identity was threatened.[46]
I think that this cultural trait does not fit into the slightly later period
the Hasmonean period, when the Jews cooperated with some Seleucids against
other Seleucids, and the struggle with the gentiles was not involved merely
with the survival of Judaism in the gentile world, but also with military and
political expansion.
Unlike
1 Enoch, Jubilees introduces not only religious ideas, but also modes of
behavior or a legal system. It demands several capital punishments,[47] polemisizes with
the lunar calendar in order to promote the Enochic 364-day calendar,[48]
and even conceals criticism against the current Temple cult: In 23:21 the
wicked party, who acts is indulged in cheating and other moral sins, and also
denies the correct calendar, is accused of defiling the “holy of holies” with
the impure corruption of their contamination. In fact, Jubilees has a special
concern for sacrifices, since almost every patriarch is depicted as sacrificing
for God.[49] Moreover,
Jubilees incorporates in its narrative several laws that concern sacrifices and
priestly dues, also attested to in the Temple Scroll and MMT, most of which are
opposed to the pharisaic or rabbinic halakhah.[50]
For Jubilees, it should be emphasized, atonement is a major issue,[51]
and the Temple and its cult are the initial means of accomplishing it. There
are even several references to the new ideal Temple, which will be built in the
time of the New Creation.[52]
In the eschatological age all the transgressions criticized by the author will
be eliminated. This would be an age of purity when God “will create a holy
spirit” for the people of Israel and will purify them forever, an idea that
recalls the main theme in 11QMelchizedek.[53]
Jubilees
thus has several general perceptions in common with the Qumranites: cosmic
dualism, calendar, and views and laws concerning the Temple cult. However,
there are also more particular ideas that may point to Qumranic dependence on
or continuity of Jubilees’ heritage. Jubilees 22:14 shares the association of
atonement with purification with and the Community Rule, the Hodayot and
additional liturgies of ablution.[54]
Jubilees views the people of Israel as being as holy as the angels in heaven,
quite like the self-portrayal of the Qumranites as associating with angles or
as being equal to angels.[55]
The discussion of a new and eternal Temple at the time of the new creation
(4:26; cf. also 1:17) explains the crux of the reference in the Temple Scroll 29:9-10.[56] In both cases purity, atonement and sanctity are
associated with the ideal Temple.
In
fact, a comparison of the two versions of this tradition may lead to the
conclusion that in this case the Temple Scroll is dependent on Jubilees. In the
Temple Scroll 29:8-10 God promises “I shall sanctify my [Te]mple with my glory,
for I shall make my glory reside over it until the day of creation, when I
shall create my Temple, establishing it for myself for all days, according to
the covenant which I made with Jacob in Bethel”. But the Temple Scroll does not
even try to explain what “the covenant in Bethel” has to do with the
eschatological and eternal Temple. This matter is elucidated in light of Jub.
32, where Jacob inaugurated Levi to priesthood in Bethel. In his vision, Jacob is handed
seven tablets (Jub. 32:31, presumably containing sacrificial laws that may be
identified with the Temple Scroll’s reference to Jacob’s covenant). Jacob is
then commanded not to build an eternal Temple in Bethel (ibid. 32). Hence, it
seems that the Temple Scroll is actually dependent on another tradition in
Jubilees and introduces its idea in an abridged form.
The
character of the group behind the Book of Jubilees is exposed only in one
passage in Jub. 23:16-29, the so-called “Jubilees Apocalypse”. The author
condemns “that evil generation” in transgressing “the law and the
covenant”, “commandment, ordinance
and every verdict”, and particularly the calendar, (“festival, month, Sabbath,
jubilee”), but also moral issues (“injustice, cheating and wealth”). The
Israelites will be punished by internal strife and the oppression of the
gentiles. The subsequent salvation will be due to the emergence of a new and
just generation: “In those days the children will begin to study the laws, to
seek out commands, and to return to the right way… They will complete and live
their entire lifetimes peacefully and joyfully. There will be no neither a
satan nor any evil one who will destroy, for their entire lifetime will be
times of blessing and healing” (23:26-29).
I
do not think that the conflict in Jub. 23 is related to the Jewish Hellenizers
and the Maccabees. There are no references to the association with gentiles and
intermarriage, that occupy Jubilees in so many other instances. Moreover, the
children are a group that challenges the traditional mainstream elite, quite
like the young lambs of the animal apocalypse of 1 En 90, as already shown by
Kister.[57]
Jubilees’ group, “the children” is a religious revival movement. But it is not
a sect. It is portrayed as the true Israel, but without claiming that the
elders will be cut off. No matter how sinful the elders are, the author does
not regard them as doomed. I think that the authors implies that they will
accept the teaching of the young ones. The unity of the Jewish people is preserved
in times of punishment and rewards. The us-and-them division does exist, but is
relatively limited. The misdeeds of the elders cause the punishment of the
whole nation, including the young ones, while the enlightenment of the latter
also effect the larger society, bringing eternal salvation. Thus, he does not
see his group as separated from the rest of Israel but as a religious
pioneering movement that faces opposition in its beginning. Although traces of
the ‘language of separation” can be found in Jubilees (impurity, sin, etc.),
there is no call for social withdrawal, but a strong sense of reconciliation of
all Israel as set against the gentiles.[58]
The background for the emergence of “the
children” may provide hints concerning its date. Their victory is envisioned
only after a national collective age of punishment, probably caused by the
transgressions and iniquities of the elders. The dramatic descriptions of
sword, captivity, plundering and death caused by the cruel nations probably
allude to the decrees of Antiochus IV and the consequent Maccabean wars.
Interestingly, Jubilees portrays the young ones as emerging before that age of
great distress and foresees its triumph after it. The author probably does not
know how the war with the nations ends,[59]
and he is unaware of the Hasmonean independence, when movements like Jubilees’
met disappointment.
Until
now I have concluded that Jubilees introduces a reform movement that held many
of the ideas found in Qumran, and that although it had criticized the religious
situation in contemporary mainstream Judaism, it lacked a sectarian worldview
of social separation. Nonetheless, consider a situation when Jubilees’ doctrine
of religious reform is rejected by the Jewish leadership and most of the Jewish
society, and the anticipation for reform led by the “children” is not
accomplished. I think that an appreciation of Jubilees belief system leads to
the conclusion that under such circumstances Jubilees’ movement would withdraw
and become a sect.
In
matters of cultic laws, calendar and eschatology, the document which Jubilees
resembles most is the Temple Scroll, although the genre and purpose of the two
sources are very different. However, I would like to show the close ideological
relationship between Jubilees 23 and section C in MMT. In the homiletic section of MMT, the authors argue “we have separated ourselves
from the multitude of the people [and from all their impurity]” (C 7–8). This
impurity is probably moral, since the fragmentary continuation of this passage
relates to moral sins: “and concerning … [the malice] and the treachery … and
fornication [some] places were destroyed”…. “no] treachery or deceit or evil
can be found in our hand” (C 4–6, 8–9). Similar accusations are ascribed to the
“evil generation” in Jub. 23:14: (moral) impurity and contamination, sexual
impurity (which parallels MMT’s fornication) and detestable actions (which
parallels MMT’s malice, treachery and deceit). Further on, similar accusations
are addressed to “the elders”: “they have acted wickedly… everything they do is
impure.. all their way are contamination” (23:17) “cheating through
wealth…”they will defile the holy of holies with the impure corruption of their
contamination” (23:21).
The
notion of moral impurity is common to this section of MMT and the entire Book
of Jubilees (in the latter its main focus is the impurity of the gentiles). In
both cases there is also no mention of cooperation with the gentiles, although
theoretically this may serve as an adequate explanation for such a conflict in
the early Hasmonean period. Another possible parallel between the two texts is
the physical threats on Jewish society: MMT’s refers to “[some] places were
destroyed”, probably relating to a punishment following the sins of “[the
malice] and the treachery … and fornication” (C 4-6). Jub. 23:22-25 describes
the dire consequences of the “elders” transgressions and impure ways (sword,
judgment and captivity). The association of the biblical motif of sin and
punishment as a consequence of similar moral impurities seems more than a
coincidence.
Last
but mot least, both MMT and Jubilees contain eschatological expectations. The
authors of MMT declare: “And we are aware that
part of the blessings and curses have occurred that are written in the b[ook of
Mos]es. And this is the End of Days, when they will return in Israel to the
L[aw…]and not turn bac[k] and the wicked will act wickedly…” (C 20-22). Jub.
23:26-31 envisions that, after the punishment from the nations, the “children”
will take over, returning to the right way of the laws and commands and an age
of great peace, praise and happiness will arrive. In both cases there is hope
for religious reform that will lead to salvation. MMT’s biblical concept of
curses and blessings (cf. Lev. 26; Deut. 28) probably refers to the past wars
destruction (probably during the Maccabean revolt) and the swift transition to
the messianic age, just like the sudden shift in Jubilees from disaster to
deliverance. Of course, in MMT the sense of salvation is more imminent. The
“end of days” is no more a matter of expectation, but a fact. This difference
can be explained not only in light of the special rhetoric aim of MMT
(persuading the addressee to act on the authors’ part), but by the assumption
that a few years had separated the writing of Jubilees and MMT; meanwhile
messianic expectations were intensified and perhaps cultivated by the relative
political relief, where clashes between the Seleucids and the Maccabees headed
by Jonathan ceased after 158 BCE (1 Mac 9:70-73).
I
think that these affinities show that there were close chronological and social
links between Jubilees and MMT. One should also bear in mind that both
documents have many common features with the Temple Scroll. Simply put, I
suggest that MMT was written by the members of the Jubilees’ group or its
descendants, and reflects a slight development of Jubilees ideology. Hence,
according to the proposed historical background of Jubilees around 160 BCE, MMT
is only slightly later than the period of the Maccabeen revolt, and this
accords with Qimron’s and Eshel’s presumption that it was sent to the Wicked
Priest, identified with Jonathan.[60]
A more complicated problem, however, is how to incorporate the Temple Scroll
into this scheme.[61]
The sections that resemble Jubilees and MMT (the sacrificial laws and the
calendar) may be contemporary to either Jubilees or MMT, or rather, somewhere
in between them, in the early 150’s, the period in which there is a vacuum in
our knowledge concerning the high priesthood and the Temple.
The relationship between the yahad and the Damascus
Covenant.
I have already discussed this issue in my article on the
structure and organization of these two branches in Revue de Qumran 2003.[62] I have found several functional indications for the primacy
of the yahad upon the Damascus Covenant. One of them was that the yahad was
called “rabbim” whereas the Covenant character from rabbim to “camps”
(mahanot), probably developed gradually from the yahad. I have also noted the
fact that the penal code in the Damascus Document does not cohere with the role
of private property in its social system, and that the copies of the Community
Rule from cave 4 are older than those of the Damascus Document.
Here
I would like to add another point in support of my general conclusion, which
relates to the different concepts of revelations in these groups. For the
yahad, revelation is a present and dynamic phenomenon, which may happen to any
member anytime. However, in the Damascus Document revelation is a past
phenomenon (CD 3: 13-14; 5:4-5), which lay at its foundation, but it had no
trace in the regulations of the sect and has no active role in the lives of the
members. The Teacher of Righteousness had revelations, and I think that this
was the reason he was followed and was able to create a new movement. I
therefore suggest that the yahad’s concept of revelations aim to continue those of the Teacher, while the
Damascus Document reflects a latter “routinization of Charisma”, that also
suited a larger movement. Of
course, this theory inspired by socio-anthropological studies on revelations
deserves more elaboration than is possible here.
The Essenes were undoubtedly a sect, separated from the
outside society by many restrictions and taboos. From the earliest days of the
study of the scrolls, the identification of the “Qumran community” with the
Essenes was regarded as a consensus. However, reflecting on previous research,
it is unclear whether the Essenes are simply identical to the yahad or the
Damascus Document,[63]
are the forefathers of the Damascus Covenant or the yahad,[64]
or perhaps the Qumranic groups are only a part of the larger Essene movement.[65] There is, of another possibility, that
is, that there is no relationship whatsoever between Qumran and the Essenes.[66]
A
sweeping identification of the Essenes with the Qumran movement is difficult
for two general reasons. First, almost all of our knowledge of the Essene way
of life probably reflects the days of Philo and Josephs, the mid first century,
that is, C.E., 150-200 years later than the major documents from Qumran.
Second, Philo and Josephus testify to 4000 Essenes in Judaea, as well as in the
cities,[67]
and consistently argue that the Essens hold common property. However, it is
obvious that the yahad is a very small group that all of whose members meet
frequently, and probably live in social isolation;[68]
the Damascus Covenant, on the other hand, is probably larger and perhaps also
urban, but unlike all the ancient reports on the Essenes, the Damascus Covenant
does not have common property.[69]
Moreover,
it seems to be impossible to argue that the Essenes were the forefathers of the
either the yahad or the Damascus Covenant, that is (as Stegemann and
Garcia-Martinez argued), that the Essenes acted during the Maccabean revolt or
even before it. The examination of 1 Enoch and Jubilees have shown that these
were the groups or movements from which many of the later Qumranic ideas
emerged, but nonetheless they were not sects in the full sense of the term. A
comparison of 1 Enoch and Jubilees with the Essenes as portrayed by Philo
Josephus and Pliny will result in very general similarities and numerous and
fundamental dissimilarities. The Essenes are not identical with 1 Enoch and
Jubilees, and seem quite remote from them in terms of social outlook.
The
similarities between the Essenes on the one hand and the yahad or the Damascus
Covenant on the other hand in terms of belief, and especially in terms of
practices and ritual are numerous: common property, tension in relation to the
Temple, morality, self-restraint, companionship, gradual admission, purity and
avoidance of oil, and prayer.[70]
However, in many of these issues a certain degree of difference is concealed.
Such as in the case of the seclusion of defecation: in their limitation on the
discharge of excretion, the Essenes dig a hole with their personal shovel,
whereas the Temple Scroll and the War Rule order the building of permanent
latrines.[71] There are
also several quite striking parallels: interdictions on spitting in the midst
of the assembly, on moving any vessel during the Sabbath, on preparation in the
course of the Sabbath;[72]
The roll of the priests in the preparation of bread, [73]
and the priestly prayer/blessing before the meal,[74]
and the exclusion of the novice from common meals and purifications.[75]
Interestingly, these parallels relate to both
the Community Rule and the Damascus Document. Moreover the Essenes combine
conflicting characteristics of both Qumran branches. Philo’ Essenes live in the
villages and avoid the cities because of the urban iniquities,[76]
like the yahad in the desert. Josephus’ Essenes live in the cities,[77]
probably like many of the Damascus Covenanters. Philo says that they “served
God not with Sacrifices of animal, but by resolving to the sanctity of their minds”;
quite similarly the yahad claimed for prayers and moral behavior as substitute
for sacrifices.[78] In the
Damascus Document, a withdrawal from the moral impurity of the Temple’s
treasury and dedication is found side by side with conveying offerings by
morally pure messenger.[79]
This may be paralleled to Josephus’ assertion that the Essenes were barred from
the Temple and made their sacrifices by themselves, but nonetheless sent
offerings to the Temple.[80]
Some
discrepancies may be erroneously
considered as “minor”. The Essene abstinence from taking oaths, for example, is
not attested to in the scrolls. Moreover, it does not cohere with the
regulations of taking oaths in front of the judges in cases of lost property
(CD 9:8-12), and with the use of vows as a normative and even frequent practice
in CD 16:1-7.[81] The Essene
avoidance of slaves also does not correspond with the findings from Qumran.
CD 11:12 prohibits “pressing”
one’s servant or maidservant (to work) on the Sabbath. In the Community Rule
there is no mention of servants, and one might assume that both the Essenes and
the yahad did not hold slaves since they maintained common property that
regards all members as equal. However, recently discovered ostraca from kh. Qumran
mention the delivery of a slave named Hisdai from Holon from one person to
another (possibly to the yahad’s official) along with agricultural products,
and may attest to the dwellers’ readiness to accept such slaves as property.[82]
Such dissimilarities may be seen as marginal or explained in different ways,
but they are too numerous to be overlooked. A sect that poses a boundary or
rule (discharge of excretion, abstaining form taking oath and possessing
slaves, and there are other examples) define it as an issue that shapes its
identity vis-á-vis the world. It is not reasonable that it would be flexible
and permissive in observing it.
Almost
all scholars believe that like most of the Essenes, the yahad members were
celibates. This conclusion, however, cannot be proved and is based on the
preliminary assumption that already identifies the Essenes with the “Qumran
community”.[83] Actually,
it may be refuted if one does not take for granted that the Essenes were
identical to the yahad. Nowhere in the Community Rule nor in any other document
from Qumran is there any reference to celibacy or an exclusion of women from
social life. Such a ruling is extremely extraordinary and strict, that one
cannot deduce it from the silence of the Community Rule regarding women and
family life. Moreover, husband and wife, girls and old women are mentioned in
4Q502 (called by Balliet “ritual of marriage”), where the yahad is mentioned
several times and a passage from the Community Rule is cited.[84]
A fuller consideration of the possibility that the yahad contained women and
families cannot be taken here. For the present purpose, it is suffice to
acknowledge that celibacy cannot be viewed as another parallel between the
Qumran movement and the Essenes.
A
notable difference between the Essenes and the Qumranites is related to the
Essene involvement in public affairs, and mostly in public prophecies
concerning Jewish rulers. Josephus notes that some Essenes profess to
foreknowing the future, being versed in holy books, various forms of
purification and the words of the prophets.[85]
Josephus also mentions three cases of Essene prophecies that were not concealed
but are made in public. Judas predicated that Antigonus the Hasmonean will be
killed at Strato’s Tower (War 1:78-80; in Ant. 13:311-313) Josephus adds that
Judas was accompanied by friends who were learning how to prophesize from him.
Menahem predicted, when Herod was still young, that he would be the king of the
Jews, and later on, when Herod ruled, he predicted that he would reign for
twenty or thirty more years, but refused to be specific (Ant. 15:371-379).
Simon correctly interpreted Archelaus’ dream, and foreseen that his reign would
soon come to an end (War 2:312-313; Ant. 17:345-348). [[In all these instances
Josephus emphasizes the accurateness of the Essene foreseeing.]] In addition,
during the Great revolt John the Essene held a public position, as the general
of Thmana, Lydda, Joppa and Emmaus.[86]
I
find it quite puzzling that distinguished members of a sect that was separated
from normal social life, restricted its connections with other Jews, and
specialized in a secret knowledge of foreseeing the future were interested in
such a public performance of prophecy and initiated these contacts with the
larger society. It seems to me that the purpose of these prophecies was to win
public attention and admiration. One should bear in mind that predictions that
were regarded as liable had incredible influence on the governing authorities
and probably also on the masses, and seemed to be considered as being able to
change future events. For example, when Jesus son of Hannania already mourned
the destruction of Jerusalem already in 62 CE, he was arrested and flogged by
the Roman governor Albinus.[87]
There are many cases in which Roman authorities, rulers and emperors were very
concerned by such prophecies.[88]
I
therefore suggest that in these prophecies as well as in John’s role in the
military leadership in the Great Revolt, the Essenes strived for political
recognition and the acquisition of social power. The Essenes’ concern to the
wider society, their large number, and the special attention paid to them by
Josephus, Philo and Pliny the Elder, all point to a movement that was socially
more significant than either the yahad or the Damascus Covenant. The Essenes
cannot be identical with these Qumranic sects, but still have a lot in common
with them. Many of the regulations of both the yahad or the Damascus Covenant
are present in the descriptions of the Essenes, although with considerable
differences and alternations. Thus, I suggest that the Essenes were a branch
that developed from both the yahad and the Damascus Covenant, and became larger
and more successful than its precursors. If this was indeed the case, the yahad
and the Damascus Covenant established a firm foundation for the subsequent
development of a unique and rich religious culture and social system.
[1] B. Wilson, “An Analysis of Sect Development” American Sociological Review 24 (1959), pp. 3-15; R. Stark and W.S. Bainbridge, The Future of Religion: Secularization, Revival and Cult Formation, (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 25, 102-104, 134-167; Niebuhr, H.R. The Social Sources of Denominationalism (New York: Henry Holt, 1929).
[2] M. Bloch, “The Ido of Origins”, The Historian’s Craft trans. by P. Putnam. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1954), pp. 29-35. Bloch has observed that “origins” means both “beginnings” and “causes”. My discussion concern the first one, although the framework of sectarianism also implies the causes of the historical developments, which should be treated elsewhere.
[3] Stark and Bainbridge The Future of Religion, 49-60. The importance of separation for defining a sect was already noted by Wilson “An Analysis of Sect Development”, 4.
[4] The influential theories of F.M. Cross, and J. Murphy-O’Connor, among others, were critically surveyed in: P.R. Davies, “The Prehistory of the Qumran Community”, in D. Dimant and U. Rappaport (eds.) The Dead Sea Scrolls, Forty Years of Research, (Leiden: Brill, 1992), pp. 116-125; F. Garcia-Martinez, and J. Trebolle Barrera, The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls, (trans. by W.G.E. Watson, Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 77-96; J.J. Collins, “The Origins of the Qumran Community: A Review of the Evidence”, in M. Horgan and P. Kobelski (eds.), To Touch the Text: Biblical and Related Studies in Honor of Joseph A. Fitzmyer, (New York: Crossroad, 1989), pp. 159-178.
[5] A. Dupont-Sommer, The Essene Writings from Qumran, (trans. G. Vermes; Cleveland and New York: World Publishing Company, 1962), esp. pp. 66-67; G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls, Qumran in Perspective (revised edition; London: SCM Press, 1994), esp. pp. 115-117; H. Stegeman, “The Qumran Essenes - Local Members of the Main Jewish Union in Late Temple Times”, in J. Trebolle Barrera, and L. Vegas Montaner (eds). The Madrid Qumran Congress, (Leiden: Brill, 1992), vol. I, pp. 83-166.
[6] In addition to the studies cited in n. 4, see also P.R. Davies, “Redaction and Sectarianism in the Qumran Scrolls”, Sects and Scrolls (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996) 151-161.
[7] C. Hempel, “Community Origins in the Damascus Document in the Light of Recent Scholarship”, in D. Parry and E. Ulich (eds.), The Provo International Conference of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Leiden: Brill, 1999), pp. 316-329; M.L. Grossman, Reading for History in the Damascus Document, (Leiden: Brill, 2002).
[8] G. Boccaccini, Beyond the Essene Hypothesis: The Parting of the Ways between Qumran and Enochic Judaism (Grand Rapids and Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1998). See already R.T. Beckwith. “The Earliest Enoch Literature and its Calendar: Marks of their Origin, Date and Motivation” RQ 10.3 (1981), pp. 365-403; P.R. Davies, “A Comparison of Three Essene Sects”, Behind the Essenes, (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987) 107-134.
[9] Boccaccini, Beyond the Essene Hypothesis 165-185. He concludes that “Mainstream Enochic literature offers a much better setting for the ideology of mainstream Essene movement…than the sectarian literature of Qumran” (ibid., 178).
[10] Ibid., pp. 21-49.
[11] For the Aramaic fragments and their dates, see J.T. Milik, The Books of Enoch (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976). For the ideological unity of 1 En. see G.W.E. Nickelsburg, “The Apocalyptic Construction of Reality in 1 Enoch”, in J.J. Collins and J.H. Charlseworth (eds.), Mysteries and Revelations (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991), pp. 51-64. See also En 1.2-7; 5.4-9. 1 Enoch’s mythic content is vast and cannot introduced here in detail. The following discussion is confined to selected themes and general characteristics.
[12] 1 Enoch 1:10; 5:4-9
[13] 1 Enoch 80:2-8 (see also 100:10-101:9).
[14] 1 Enoch 10; 90:21-22; 100:4-5.
[15] Cf. the ascension of Enoch in chapters 14-19. See also 18:14; 21:10; 22; 25-27.
[16] For the Book of Watchers, see 18:16; 19:1; 22:4, 11; 25:4; 27:3. For the Animal Apocalypse see 90:20-38.
[17] See M.J. Davidson, Angels at Qumran: A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch 1-36, 72-108 and Sectarian Writings from Qumran (JSPSup 11, Sheffiled: JSOT Press, 1992) pp. 142-323. Davidson also discussed the connection between the Book of Watchers and the Songs of Sabbath Sacrifices, etc.
[18] Milik, The Books of Enoch; Davidson, Angels at Qumran.
[19] J.J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination. An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature, (second edition, Grand Rapids and Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1998) p. 69; P.A. Tiller, A Commentary on the Animal Apocalypse of I Enoch, Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993) pp. 62-63, 78, 355-357 and bibliogarphy.
[20] M. Kister, “Concerning the History of the Essenes”, Tarbiz 56 (1986), pp. 2-5 (Hebrew).
[21] B. Wilson, Magic and the Millennium: A Sociological study of Religious Movements of Protest Among Tribal and Third-World Peoples, London: Heinemann, 1973), 25, defining the reformist response to the world. Wilson overstated the role of divine revelation or inspiration (the Pharisees were a reformist group but did not argue for such revelations), but in the case of Enoch, where angelic revelation is the governing paradigm, he is correct.
[22] Its correct sequence is: 91:1-10, 18-19; 92:1-93:10; 91:11-17; 93:11-14. See Milik, The Books of Enocg, pp. 263-272 (following the Aramaic fragments); G.W.E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1 (Hermenia, Minneapolis: Fortress, 2001) pp. 414-415 and bibliography.
[23] The Ethiopic version is confirmed by the Aramaic fragment (Milik, The Books of Enoch, p. 265): é]úáçøåï [áçéøé]ï ìùäãé ÷ùè îï ð[öáú] ÷ùè òì[î]à ãé ùáòä ô[òîé]ï çëîä åîãò úúéä[á ìäåï]. Nickelsburg 1 Enoch 1, p. 448 interpreted the wisdom and knowledge in the context of the Epistle of Enoch as “a particular understanding of the divine law, other esoteric information about the cosmos, and the eschatological message of the coming judgment”.
[24] J.C. VanderKam, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, (CBQMS 16, Washington: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1984) 147, 149.
[25] In contrast to the common view of most interpreters. See J.C. VanderKam, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition (CBQMS 16, Washington: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1984) pp. 145-149, and bibliography. Some identified the sword of the eighth week with the Maccabean uprising. VanderKam believes that it is part of the eschatological description and dates the apocalypse to the period before the decrees of Antiochus IV (167 BCE), identifying the “perverse generation” with the hellenizing segment.
[26] Boccaccini, Beyond the Essene Hypothesis, p. 108.
[27] The original extent of the Epistle is debated. I have followed the more common view in which chaps. 92-105 contain one literary unit. The Aramaic fragments contain chap. 104. See Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, pp. 2, 336-337, 426. Nickelsburg recognized that the Epistle contains older traditions (especially the Apocalypse of Weeks) but regards it as the craft of a single author. Boccaccini Beyond the Essene Hypothesis, pp. 110-112, 131-138 argued that 1 Enoch 94:6-104:6 is a later interpolation. For discussion of the oppositions between the righteous and sinners, the poor and the well to do, and the theme of the judgment day in the Epistle, see ibid., 94-103.
[28] 95:3; 96:1; 98:12. This idea is presented in the Apocalypse of Weeks as imminent (91:12). For a survey of the social tensions see Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 426-427.
[29] 99:2; 99:10; 104:10-13. the author may be making reference to some kind of tendentious rewriting of the Torah – similar to the Temple Scroll and Jubilees – in which the errorist place in the mouth of God their own interpretation of the Torah, an exegesis that contradicts our author’s interpretation and is therefore the epitome of falsehood. See G.W.E. Nickelsburg, “The Epistle of Enoch and the Qumran Literature”, JJS 33 (1982), pp. 342. Nickelsburg (ibid, 343), associated these books with the wisdom that will be given to the elected in the seventh week in the Apocalypse of Weeks (93:10).
[30] 100:6; 105:1; cf. 99:10.
[31] Nickelsburg “The Epistle of Enoch”, p. 344.
[32] Nickelsburg ibid, pp. 344-345. Dating the Epistle is very problematic. See Nickelsburg 1 Enoch 1, 427-428 who maintained an early Hasmonean date. However, if its author is the one who composed the Apocalypse of Weeks, it may be dated to the Maccabean period (before the rise of the Hasmonean state).
[33] On angles, see D. Dimant, “bnei shanyim – torat ha-mal’akhim beseferer ha-yovlim le’or kitvei a´dat qumran”, in M, Idel, D. Dimant, and S. Rosenberg (eds.), Tribute to Sara, Studies in Jewish Philosophy and Kabbala (Jerusalem, Magness, 1994), pp. 109-110; J.C. Vanderkam The Book of Jubilees (Sheffield; Sheffield Academic Press 2001), pp. 127-129. For the extermination of the wicked angels, see 5:10; 10:11. Cf. the times when there is no Satan in 23:29; 40:9; 50:5. On the eschatological New Creation, see 1:29; 5:12.
[34] Jubilees borrowed the account on the angels of God who mated with women and sired giants. See Jub. 4:22; 5:1-11; 7:21-27; 10:1-14.
[35] Jub 4:17-18. Cf. also 6:23-38.
[36] For Jubilees’ dependence on 1 Enoch see J.C. VanderKam,. “Enoch Traditions in Jubilees and Other Second-Century Sources’, SBL 1978 Seminar Papers, (Missoula: Scholars Press, 1978) pp. 229-51. VanderKam accounts for additional links between Jubilees and the Epistle of Enoch (e.g., Jub. 7:29 and 1 En. 103:7-8) and pointed to the inclusion of other Enochic sources in Jubilees, such as Enoch as a halakhic dispenser in Jub. 7:38-39; 21:10.
[37] 15:31-32; Dimant, “bnei shanyim”, pp. 108-109.
[38] 1:8-11; 11:16; 12:1-8, 12-14; 20:7-8; 21:3, 5; 22:18, 22; 31:1-2; 36:5; 48:5. See also the curse of the Philistines that will be abolished from the land at the day of judgment (24:28).
[39] 6:35; 9:14-15; 22:16; 25:1; 30.
[40] 15:34; 30:7-10, 15-16, 21-22. Jubilees 30 emphasizes the sin of intermarriage and its subsequent death penalty. On intermarriage as polluting the Temple, see 30:15.
[41] 3:31; 7:20.
[42] 15:33-34. Jub 15:26 announces that anyone who is not circumcised on the eighth day does not belong to the people of God but to “the people (meant for) destruction”. 15:26 seem to refute the practice of postponing circumcision.
[43] Cf. J.C. VanderKam, Textual and Historical Studies in the Book of Jubilees (HSM 14., Missoula: Scholars Press, 1977) pp. 245-246; Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 81. For the wrestling performances in the gymnasium, see 1 Mac; 2 Mac 4:12-15. For assumption that, like the Greek gymnasium, the games in the Jerusalem were performed in a state of nudity, see Goldstein I Maccabees (AB; Garden City: Doubleday, 1976), p. 200. Although Goldstein had doubted this elsewhere (II Maccabees [AB; Garden City: Doubleday, 1983], p. 230) because it is not mentioned in II Mac., it is supported by the reference to disguising the circumcision (see below). R. Doran, 1989. “The Non-Dating of Jubilees: Jub 34-38; 23:14-32 in Narrative Context”, JSJ 20 (1989) pp. 10-11 argues that Jub. 3:31 expresses the author’s concern for purity and proper sexual relationship, rather than a specific anti-gymnasium reference.
[44] 1 Mac 1:13-15 (translation following Goldstein, I Maccabees, p. 198); and cf. Ant. 12:241. The need for covering the foreskin derives from the shame of performing in a state of nudity before the gentiles.
[45] I Mac 1:48, 60-61; 2:46.
[46] I do not think that later on the Hasmoneans were “Hellenized”, and therefore do not see the Hasmonean period as a background for such a debate on the part of Jubilees. For sensible appreciation of the Hasomean ideology and Helleism, See E.S. Gruen, “Hellenism and the Hasmoneans”, Heritage and Hellenism; Te Reinvention of Jewish Tradition (Berkley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1998), pp. 1-40.
[47] 2:26-27; 4:22; 20:4; 30:9; 33:13; 41:26.
[48] 6:23-32. Cf. 23:19. The traditional lunar calendar is associated with the gentiles, probably because the Greek and Hellenistic calendar was also lunar, and is considered as much less accurate the solar one, leading to the distortion of the correct dates of the festivals. Such a distortion actually means the desecration of the holy time, which Jubilees comprehends as the act of the causing of pollution to the sacred time. For the defilement of time (sabbath, festivals, calendar) see 2:25-26; 6:37.
[49] 3:27; 4:25; 6:1-3; 7:3-5; 13:4, 8, 16; 14:11; 16:20-24; 22:4; 24:23; 32:4-6. See also the sacrificial rulings in 20:7-17; 49:16-21. The priestly outlook is also indicated by the tradition in which Levi has a higher ranking than Judah (3:12-17). Sensitivity to the Sanctity of the Temple is expressed also in 1:10 49:21.
[50] For partial presentation of the evidence in relation to the festivals, see J.C. Vanderkam, “The Temple Scroll and the Book of Jubilees” in G.J. Brooke (ed.), Temple Scroll Studies, (JSP Sup 7, Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1989), pp. 211-236. Jub 7:4 orders that he-goat (s´eir) for atonement should be scarified first, as in the Temple Scroll (14:9-12; 23:10-13; 26:5-27-4), and in contrast to the plain text of Num 28-29 and rabbinic halakhah (cf. m. Zeb. 10:2; b. Zeb. 89b). According to Jub. 32:15, the animal tithe is given to the priests, like in MMT B 63-64, whereas according to the rabbis (m. Zeb 5:8), the owners get it. Jub. 7:36 orders that the fruits of the fourth year should be given to for God’s servants (namely, the priests), as in the Temple Scroll and MMT, whereas the rabbis argued that it should be eaten by its owners (MMT B 62-63; Temple Scroll 60:3-4; 4Q266 2 ii 6 [DJD 18, 144-145]; m. Ma´aser Sheni 5:1-5; Sifrei Numbers 6 [ed. Horovits 6]; j. Peah. 7:6, 20b-20c). In Jub. 49:16, 20 the Passover sacrifice should be eaten in the Temple, quite like the Temple Scroll 17:8-9, whereas according to the rabbis it may be eaten throughout the city of Jerusalem (m. Zeb. 5.8). Similar limitation in Jub. 7:36 32:14 applies to the fruits of the forth year and the second tithe, also against the view of the rabbis (m. Zeb. ibid). Both Jubilees Jub 32:10-11 and the Temple Scroll 43:1-17 command to bring the second tithe to the Temple every year. Jubilees stress on the impurity of the gentiles is coined to specific cultic laws in MMT regarding refusing to accept sacrifices from gentiles, the exclusion of Ammonite and Moabite from the Temple, and perhaps also the prohibitions to bring the offering/tithe of the wheat and grain of the gentiles to the Temple (since they are defiled) and the intermarriage of priests with gentile women. See E. Regev, “Abominated Temple and A Holy Community: The Formation of the concepts of Purity and Impurity in Qumran’ DSD 10.2 (2003), pp. 246-248. For the cosmological-philosophical preception which lies behind this cultic system see E. Regev, “On the Differences of Religious Outlook between Qumranic and Rabbinic Halakhah: Dynamic versus Static Sanctity” Tarbiz 72.1-2 (2002-03), 113-132, here 128-129 (Hebrew); idem, “Reconstructing Qumranic and Rabbinic World-Views: Dynamic Holiness vs. Static Holiness”, in S. Fraade and A. Shemesh, ed., Rabbinical Perspectives: Rabbinic Literature and the Dead Sea Scrolls, the Eighth International Symposium of the Orion Center (Leiden: Brill, [forthcoming]).
[51] 1:23-24; 5:17-18; 16:22; 22:14; 23:26-31; 34:8; 41:23-24. In 6:1-4 the atoning force of sacrifices is underlined. Note that Jubilees specified those sins that cannot be repented or atoned for - are marriage with gentiles and fornication with the father’s wife (30:10; 33:13).
[52] Garden of Eden is described as a Temple in 8:19. Adam acts as a priest offering incense in 3:27. Eden must not be defiled as it were a sanctuary in 3:12. For a new ideal Temple with the new creation, see 1:27, 29; 4:25-26. See T.A.G.M. Van Ruiten, ”Visions of the Temple in the Book of Jubilees”, in B. Ego, A. Lange, and P. Pilhofer (eds.), Gemeinde ohne Tempel. Community without Temple (WUNT 118, Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1999), pp. 215-227. For the conclusion that God dwells only in Eden and the future Temple see ibid. 218.
[53] 1:23; 4:26; 50:5. On 11Qmelchizedek, see Davidson 1992, pp. 255-2s64 and bibliography.
[54] 1QS 3:6-12; 1QHa 9[Sukenik 1]:32; 12[4]:37; 4Q284, 4Q414, and 4Q512, discussed in J.M. Baumgarten, “The Purification Liturgies,” in J.C. VanderKam and P.W. Flint, (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years (Leiden: Brill, 1999) 2.200–212.
[55] 2:17-18, 21. Cf. also 15:27. On Qumran, see: J.H. Charlesworth, “The Portrayal of the Righteous as an Angel”, in J.J. Collins and G.W. Nickelsburg (eds.), Ideal Figures in Ancient Judaism (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1980), pp. 135-151; D. Dimant, “Men as Angels: The Self-Image of the Qumran Community”, in A. Berlin (ed.), Religion and Politics in the Ancient Near East (Bethesda, MD: University Press of Maryland, 1996), pp. 93-103.
[56] Ed. Qimron 44. Cf. also the fragmentary reference to “the creation until the [new] creation” in 4Q225 Pseudo-Jubileesa 1 7.
[57] Kister, “Concerning The History of the Essenes”, pp. 6-7. Kister also thought that “the evil generation” (Jub. 23:14) is identical with the “perverse generation” in the Apocalypse of Weeks (1 En. 93:9).
[58] For Jubilees as not reflecting any significant break with the larger national body” but an aim to return to the ‘normative’ position which it represents, see O.S. Wintermute, “Jubilees”, OTP 1985, pp. 44, 48. For Jubilees audience as the Jewish nation as a whole and its aim to lead to the conversion of Israel to the law, see Davies, Behind the Essenes, pp. 117; Boccaccini, Beyond the Essene Hypothesis, pp. 97-98. VanderKam, Textual and Historical Studies p. 281, concluded that “Jub.’s concern is still for the entire nation of Israel, and its author and his party are still part of the national community which centered on the Temple in Jerusalem.” He also regards Jub. 49:21 command that The Passover should be celebrated not “in their cities” but in the Temple as an indication for no withdrawal form the Temple: (ibid. pp. 281-282). Kister (“Concerning the History of the Essenes" p., I [English abstract]), however, defined the group behind Jub. 23 as” separatist, isolationist sect, similar to the Qumran sect”.
[59] Admittedly, the author may purposely avoid mention the Maccabees and their military and diplomatic achievements Cf. also Daniel’s lack appreciation to the Maccabees (11:34).
[60] E. Qimron and J. Strugnell, Qumran Cave 4.V: Miqs[at Ma(aśe Ha-Torah (DJD 10; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 119–21; H. Eshel, “4QMMT and the History of the Hasmonean Period,” Reading 4QMMT: New Perspectives on Qumran Law and History (eds J. Kampen and M.J. Bernstein; SBLSymS 2; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996), 53–65. See also H. Stegemann, The Qumran Library (Leiden: Brill, 1998), pp. 104–6.
[61] Cf. the literary criticism of M.O. Wise, A Critical Study of the Temple Scroll From Qumran Cave 11 (Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1990).
[62] E. Regev, “The yahad and the Damascus Covenant: Structure, Organization and Relationship” Revue de Qumran 21.2 (2003), pp. 233-262.
[63] A. Dupont-Sommer,. Les écrits esséniens découverts prsès de la Mer Morte (Paris: Payot, 1959); G. Vermes,. The Dead Sea Scrolls, Qumran in Perspective (revised edition; London: SCM Press, 1994) pp. 114-115;
[64] Boccaccini, Beyond the Essene Hypothesis.
[65] E.P, Sanders, Judaism: Practice and Belief 63 BCE-66CE (Philadelphia, SCM Press,1992) p. 345.
[66] A.I. Baumgarten, “The Rule of the Martian as Applied to Qumran”, Israel Oriental Studies 14 (1994), pp. 179-200; M. Goodman, “A Note on the Qumran Sectarians, the Essenes and Josephus” JJS 46 (1995), pp. 161-166; S. Talmonm “Qumran Studies: Past, Present, and Future, JQR 85, (1995), pp. 11-14, 17-18.
[67] Cities: Hypothetica 11:1, 8-10; War 2:124. More than 4000 Essenes: Philo Quod omnis probus liber sit (Every Good Man is Free) 75; Ant. 18:20.
[68] 1QS 6:8-23 (the meetings of the rabbim); 6:1-2; 8:12-15; 9:19-21 (withdrawal to the desert).
[69] See Hyp. 10:11; Quod omnis probus liber sit (“ Every Good Man is Free”, herein Quod.) 86; War 2.122; Ant.18: 20. Pliny argues that they have “no money”. See Pliny the Elder, Natural History V, 73. Compare CD 16:14-20; 9:9-15; 13:14-16; 14:12-17.
[70] T.S. Beal, Josephus’ Description of the Essenes Illustrated by the Dead Sea Scrolls (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
[71] A.I. Baumgarten, “The Temple Scroll, Toilet Practice, and the Essences”, Jewish History 10 (1996), pp. 9-20.
[72] J.M. Baumgarten, “The Disqualifications of Priests in 4Q Fragments of the "Damascus Document", a Specimen of the Recovery of Pre Rabbinic Halakha”, in J. Trebolle Barrera and L. Vegas Montaner (eds.), The Madrid Qumran Congress (STDJ 11, Leiden: Brill, 1992) vol. 2, pp. 504-505.
[73] Ant. 18:22; 1QS 6:4-5, 20-21 .
[74] War 2:131; 1QS 6:4-4.
[75] War 2:137-138, (after Beall 1988, 73-74); 1QS 6:13-23.
[76] War 2:124; Quod. 76, 78. Although it is possible that Pliny’s (Natural History V, 15, 73) mention of Essene near the Dead Sea is actually a mistaken reference to kh. Qumran, it is also possible that he heard on an Essene celibate community in this area.
[77] 1QS 8:13. Cities or towns (‘ir) are mentioned in CD 10:21 11:5-6 in relation to the limited walking distance on Sabbath, and CD 12:19 refers to the “rule for the assembly of the cities of Israel” namely, to the communities who dwell in the cities.
[78] Quod. 75; 1QS 9:4-5. According to the Damascus Document punishments function as atoning sacrifices (4QDa 11; 4QDe 7 I).
[79] CD 6:4-16; 11:18-20. Cf. P.R. Davies, Sects and Scrolls: Essays on Qumran and Related Topics (Atlanta: Scholars Press 1996), pp. 45-60.
[80] Ant. 18:19. Cf. A.I. Baumagrten, “Josephus on the Essenes Sacrifices”, JJS 35 (1994), pp. 169-184. Indeed, indirect Essene involvement in the Temple is attested to in Judas teaching near the Temple and the appointment of John by the public meeting at the Temple Mount (War 1:78; Ant. 13.311; War. 2:562-567; see Baumgarten, “The Rule of the Martian”, pp. 134-135).
[81] On oaths in the Damascus Document, see Schiffman, Law, Custom, and Messianism, 204-211, 220-227. Beall, Josephus’ Description, pp. 69-70 draws on the silence of the Community Rule in relation to oaths other then those of converts, for creating a false parallelism with Philo and Josephus, while resolving the evidence from the Damascus Document different stages of development.
[82] For the Essenes see Hyp. 11:4; Quod. 79; Ant. 18:21. For CD 11:12, see L.H. Schiffman, Law, Custom, and Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls (Jerusalem: Zalman Shazar, 1993) pp. 125-126 (see also Philo, Laws 2:66-68). For the ostraca, see F.M. Cross and E. Eshel, “Ostraca from Khirbet Qumran” IEJ 47 (1997), pp. 17-28. This conclusion is reasonable even if one rejects their reading of the yahad in line 5, suggesting that the ostraca attest to the acceptance of new member and his property into the yahad.
[83] R. De Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls (London: Oxford University Press, 1973) pp. 128-129; Stegemann, “The Qumran Essenes - Local Members”, p. 89; Sanders, Judaism: Practice and Belief, p. 344; Baumgarten, “Rule of the Matian” p. 133; C. Hempel, “the Earthly Essene Nucleus of 1QSA”, DSD 3 (1996), pp. 266-274; G. Vermes “The Qumran Community, The Essenes, and Nascent Christianity”, in LH. Sciffman, E. Tov, and J.C. VanderKam (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years After Their Discovery. Proceedings of the Jerusalem Congress, July 20-25, 1997, (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Socety, 2000), pp. 583-584. Cf. E. Schuller, “Women in the Dead Sea Scrolls”, in P.W. Flint and J.C. VanderKam (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls After Fifty Years (Leiden: Brill, 1999) vol. 2, p. 117.
[84] M. Baillet, Qumrân rotte 4, III. DJD 7 (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1982), pp. 81-105; J.M. Baumgarten, “4Q502, Marriage or Golden Age Ritual” JJS 34 (1983), pp. 125-135; idem, . “The Qumran-Essene restrains of Marriage”, in L.H. Schiffman (ed.), Archaeology and History in the Dead Sea Scrolls, (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990), pp. 13-24.
[85] War 2:159. Cf. also Ant. 15:379. For the general identification of these prophecies with the pesharim, see Beall, Josephus’ Description, pp. 110-111. However, the pesharim are not really predictive, and are mainly concerned with the End of Days and not with precise political events. See R. Gray, Prophetic Figures in Late Second Temple Jewish Palestine. The Evidence from Josephus, (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 105-107. Purification and studying holy books or scripture is attributed to elsewhere to the Essenes and are also characteristic of the yahad (ibid., pp. 83-92).
[86] War 2:562-568. Cf. War 3:12 (one among the three leaders of the expedition attacking Ascalon).
[87] War 6:300-309; Gray 1993, 158-163.
[88] See the cases discussed in G. Anderson, Sage, Saint and Sophist. Holy Men and their Associates in the Early Roman Empire (London and New York: Routledge 1994).